1. All persons born or naturalized in the United States, and subject to the jurisdiction thereof, are citizens of the United States and of the State wherein they reside. No State shall make or enforce any law which shall abridge the privileges or immunities of citizens of the United States; nor shall any State deprive any person of life, liberty, or property, without due process of law; nor deny to any person within its jurisdiction the equal protection of the laws.
2. Representatives shall be apportioned among the several States according to their respective numbers, counting the whole number of persons in each State, excluding Indians not taxed. But when the right to vote at any election for the choice of electors for President and Vice-President of the United States, Representatives in Congress, the Executive and Judicial officers of a State, or the members of the Legislature thereof, is denied to any of the male inhabitants of such State, being twenty-one years of age,* and citizens of the United States, or in any way abridged, except for participation in rebellion, or other crime, the basis of representation therein shall be reduced in the proportion which the number of such male citizens shall bear to the whole number of male citizens twenty-one years of age in such State.
3. No person shall be a Senator or Representative in Congress, or elector of President and Vice-President, or hold any office, civil or military, under the United States, or under any State, who, having previously taken an oath, as a member of Congress, or as an officer of the United States, or as a member of any State legislature, or as an executive or judicial officer of any State, to support the Constitution of the United States, shall have engaged in insurrection or rebellion against the same, or given aid or comfort to the enemies thereof. But Congress may by a vote of two-thirds of each House, remove such disability.
4. The validity of the public debt of the United States, authorized by law, including debts incurred for payment of pensions and bounties for services in suppressing insurrection or rebellion, shall not be questioned. But neither the United States nor any State shall assume or pay any debt or obligation incurred in aid of insurrection or rebellion against the United States, or any claim for the loss or emancipation of any slave; but all such debts, obligations and claims shall be held illegal and void.
5. The Congress shall have the power to enforce, by appropriate legislation, the provisions of this article.
This does, indeed, say many of the things that Mike Adams claims it says. But there’s one, big, hole: it never grants any powers to the President.
It describes how certain things are illegal, how elections must be held, and how debts incurred by the Confederacy (which is obviously what this whole thing was about) don’t count against the Union. And how slave owners aren’t getting reparations, because fuck them.
But the only line where it seems to actually grant any powers is section 5, and that only grants it to Congress. Since when does the President have the power to declare someone guilty of rebellion? It’s Congress, as described in the Constitution’s Article I section 8, that has the right to declare war. The Senate and the House are both required to perform an impeachment (the House is assigned the power to impeach in Article I section 2, and the Senate the power to judge an impeachment in section 3).
And it’s article III that defines treason, as a crime, and grants the power to judge all crimes to the court system. If the amendment decides that it’s illegal for someone to be elected, then, probably, it’s the court that decides whether such an event has actually happened or not.
In other words, no, President Trump can do no such thing.
