Shakemyhead

We have covered before that YouTube and other tech giants are slowly working to try and eradicate the counter culture, namely in this case and in the modern times, conservative voices. That’s right; the conservatives are now the counter culture. We know this by just a recent example when the CEO of YouTube in an interview suggested that Ben Shapiro should be banned. YouTube, however, isn’t always the main culprit here.

The New York Times published an article that could probably be summed up as a kid crying because they pooped their diapers. Namely, the fact that alternative media is vastly growing and is taking away their viewers.

New York Times journalist Kevin Roose interviewed Neal Mohan, YouTube’s product chief, solely on the topic of radicalization through YouTube videos.

What does he mean by radicalization through YouTube videos? Conspiracy theories, right extremists and white supremacists.

He questions the YouTube product chief on the rabbit hole of YouTube experience, where users get recommended videos based on what they watch. He questions though why Donald Trump-related videos are being recommended, as well as conspiracy videos. He even made the jump, stating, if we can ban ISIS related videos then why not right-wing extremists?

“Since the New Zealand shooting, we’ve heard this question about “Well, the platforms worked together to take down ISIS content. Why haven’t they done the same for white supremacy or violent right-wing extremism?” What’s the answer there?” Kevin Roose asks.

He pretty much exposes his root bias, where it all comes from, right here.

“So much of what YouTube has become over the years is this kind of alternative form of media. People don’t go to YouTube because they want the same stuff they would see on TV. They go because they’ve built relationships with creators that they trust, and when Logan Paul puts out a flat-earth documentary or Shane Dawson questions whether 9/11 happened, there’s a sense that YouTube is the place where these “real” explanations are being offered, and maybe that makes this all very hard to undo.”

It’s a slippery slope to ban just one thing, as one thing can just easily lead to another. That’s exactly what the New York Times want though, to ban viral information spiraling through YouTube because it is in direct competition with their platform. Information is what the New York Times provides, and YouTube is slowly monopolizing the medium of information because it’s as he said, YouTube is the place where real explanations are being offered.

But it’s not entirely the sheer bias that’s off-putting about this NYT article; it’s also because it breaks the fake news meter. It’s full of disinformation.

The main premise of the article is what keeps mentioning about the deep and dark rabbit hole that exists on YouTube. Roose opened the article in the first line quoting it as “one of the most powerful radicalizing instruments of the 21st century.” Kevin mentions more specifically, what he means by this, though saying, “I’m talking, of course, about YouTube — and, specifically, the recommendation algorithm that determines which videos the site plays after the one you’re watching.”

This is what he refers to as the rabbit hole of dark information and violence.

Obviously, YouTube recommends videos based on what you normally watch. That is in YouTube’s best interest, to generate more views and get people to spend more time on their platform. People can get radicalized in many ways, depending on what it is they watch. This includes ANTIFA radicalization as well. Left-wing extremists exist too, among other dangerous fringe types of content. But even with this type of content, exists elements of political viewpoints and speech. The line can get very blurry when you attempt to try and police the whole thing unless it’s outright violent and inappropriate.

What Kevin Roose recommends banning, however, is far from being outright violent. It’s mostly harmless information that he wants to be banned. Conspiracies and fringe so-called right-wing content producers do not deserve to be banned and their free speech essentially taken away. Many of these people make livings off of their right to free speech, yet Kevin Roose still insists that we ban them, just because he doesn’t like it?

The real danger to me here is, not in the fringe information, but in the free speech silencer activists like Kevin Roose. Impeding on a fundamental human right to me is considered highly dangerous. We are talking about restricting peoples voices, their mouths, their fundamental need as a human being to express themselves, and potentially ruin their source of income to live. This is the talk of extreme authoritarianism.

So how does the YouTube algorithm actually work when it comes to recommending videos? Well, there’s an open sourced software that actually tracks recommended videos based on what YouTube video you watch. You can see essentially the rabbit hole that you will be lead on based on what YouTube channels you watch.

Contrary to popular belief, it’s actually much more likely for YouTube to recommend a “Left” leaning YouTube video to people watching “Right” leaning videos. source: pyt.azureedge.net
Take a look at the chart. You will see that what you watch is what you get. Click on any of the dots which show YouTube channel’s names and you will see the rabbit hole of information YouTube recommends you.

You will find it’s mostly the same type of content for the most part. Steven Crowder videos lead to mostly other Steven Crowder videos, with also high chances of similar content related stuff like JRE, Philip DeFranco, Paul Joseph Watson, etc.

However, the lines across all political spectrums do converge. Meaning, you will still get left-leaning videos recommended even if you watch right-leaning videos. CNN can pop out on your feed if you watch JRE or Steven Crowder. If the issues are related, chances are these conversions will happen. This usually occurs with policy topics that both political sides talk about.

You do not magically get lead to a conspiracy-ridden rabbit hole that consumes your soul and then makes you into a mass shooter. YouTube’ isn’t all that bad. Most of us who use it do not have this weird problem that Kevin Roose was complaining about. It’s not really an issue worth bringing up, especially for a major news source like the NYT.

Neal Mohan surprisingly was pretty solid set on his answers. He pretty much refuted all of the journalist’s claims and just flat out made Roose seem ridiculous, to be perfectly blunt. With answers like these, it’s hard not see why.

“I think that even when you go to something that broad, it comes with real trade-offs. And I’m just raising the fact that there are considerations there, which is that you are then limiting political discourse to a set of preordained voices and outlets and publications. And I think that especially when it comes to something as charged and societally impactful as politics, there needs to be room for new voices to be heard.”

This completely goes against the mainstream media narrative. Neal Mohan is clearly more concerned about the user experience of his platform than some random political bias a news publication has.

The NYT trying to make this a legitimate issue by publishing articles and conducting interviews like these is a sad and pathetic attempt to selfishly garner more views for their own platform. Instead of winning the infowar by producing better quality content, they cry endlessly about it hoping to get the attention of some players in the industry to make it all right for them at a wave of a wand. Unfortunately for Kevin and the New York Times, this won’t be happening any time soon. Because for now at least, common sense still prevails largely amongst the general public.

Kevin Roose tweeted his thoughts on the interview after the article was published saying,

“This answer surprised me bc when I interview neo-Nazis and other extremists, I ask them how they got into the subject. Maybe 80% of the time, YouTube is involved. If there are counterexamples of people being de-radicalized by recommendations, YouTube should publicize them!”

He seems to have missed the point completely.

Number one, YouTube doesn’t feed you Nazi content unless you proactively go and search for it. No examples of this exist and nothing in their algorithm suggests that. The evidence was furthered provided in the research and chart.

Number two, Neal Mohan stated that it’s not in their interest to interfere with political speech on YouTube because that ruins the user experience. Banning outright violent videos is one thing, but banning so-called radical political views is another. One is violence and other is free speech. This quote from Neal Mohan during the interview explains it all:

“In the case of something like this, the challenges are harder because the line, as you can imagine, is sometimes blurry between what clearly might be hate speech versus what might be political speech that we might find distasteful and disagree with, but nonetheless is coming from, you know, candidates that are in elections and the like.”

The NYT article titled, “YouTube’s Product Chief on Online Radicalization and Algorithmic Rabbit Holes” has proven to be a fake news article. Online radicalization and algorithmic rabbit holes are loaded terms, don’t really exist, and have no bearing or significant effect in the real world. It is instead a disguised outcry for being losers in the content war. The New York Times’ last hope is, unfortunately, to try and get the plug pulled on their competitors from the backend rather than facing them from the front end.

History repeats itself quickly...
Apr 23, 2017

COGOLIN, France — Muslims preoccupy Jennifer Troin.

"I'm worried about my nieces having to wear the veil," said the soft-spoken 29-year-old.

This fear has helped propel the young mother to the far-right of the political spectrum ahead of key presidential elections Sunday — and into the arms of the hard-line National Front party.

Troin sells children's clothes at a store in Cogolin, a town of 11,000 a few miles from the jet-set resorts of the French Riviera. In 2014, Cogolin became one of a handful of communities nationwide to elect mayors from the National Front, which is also known by the acronym FN.

Troin told NBC News that it wasn't just the FN's stance on Islam and immigration that attracted her, but also the party's populist take on the economy.

But most of all, it was the party's charismatic leader, Marine Le Pen, who captured Troin's loyalty.

"She fights for women's rights against Islam," she said. "I vote because of Marine."

Troin is part of a quiet army of female National Front supporters, who could well tip the balance of the election and give the presidency to the hard-right.

An FN victory would rewrite the continent's political playbook, given the party's pledge to take France out of the European Union. Were it to win, it would not have been an easy ride for a movement that peaked in 2002 when founder Jean Mari Le Pen — Marine Le Pen's father — reached the second and final round of the presidential election.

French voters flocked to the polls in the runoff to ensure Le Pen did not win, instead electing former President Jacques Chirac with a resounding 78 percent of the vote. Most pollsters expect a similar outcome in May's second-round vote, predicting moderate voters to rally once again to shut out the FN.

But few doubt that the party's anti-immigrant and anti-establishment platform is resonating.

The Front's anti-Islamic message is especially potent in France, whose 4.7 million Muslims make up around 7.5 percent of the population. Islamist militant attacks have killed more than 230 people over two years and plunged the country into a long-term state of emergency.

PlayMarine Le Pen: Mass Immigration Is a Tragedy for France

Marine Le Pen: Mass Immigration Is a Tragedy for France 1:00
This anxiety deepened on the eve of the election after a gunman ambushed three Parisian police officers on the Champs-Elysees late Thursday, killing one and wounding two others. ISIS claimed responsibility for the shooting and French President Francois Hollande said it was likely a terrorist attack.

Meanwhile, the FN's influence has spread from its heartlands along the Mediterranean coast and in the rust-belt north, into rural "forgotten" France.

'Marine is different'
Polling institute Elabe recently predicted that 22 percent of women would vote for the National Front in the first round Sunday — almost 5 percent more than in 2012.

With just days to go, polls show the race is tightening. Centrist Emmanuel Macron is edging his way ahead on 24 percent and Le Pen is a fraction behind on 22.5 percent, according to Bloomberg polling.

Just below them, hard-left candidate Jean-Luc Melenchon has enjoyed a late surge and scandal-hit conservative Francois Fillon has hung in there despite a slew of allegations that he paid thousands of euros to his British-born wife for assistance she allegedly did not provide. A third of voters remain undecided.

Image: French far-right Front National leader Marine Le Pen is kissed by her father Jean-Marie Le Pen
Front National leader Marine Le Pen is kissed by her father Jean-Marie Le Pen after being re-elected as president of the party on Nov. 30, 2014. Laurent Cipriani / AP, file
The FN's ability to motivate French women could be decisive. Traditionally, it has struggled to attract female voters amid accusations of sexism, racism and anti-Semitism.

In its early years under Jean-Marie Le Pen, the party advocated a traditional image of women, opposed abortion rights and developed a reputation for a macho, strongman culture.

This bias showed. The FN was far less successful at attracting women than men. During Jean-Marie Le Pen' time in charge, around 12 percent of French women supported the party compared with 17 percent of men, according to Sciences Po Cevipof, a political institute based in Paris.

Marine Le Pen changed this.

Since taking over in 2011, she has softened the party's image, steering the FN away from some of its overtly anti-Semitic and racist rhetoric in an effort to broaden its electoral base. In 2015, she expelled her father after he repeated his view that the Holocaust was a "detail of history."

“Women understand Marine Le Pen — she’s divorced, she has three children, she works, she’s a modern woman.”
In the run up to the this year's election, Le Pen dropped her last name from campaign handouts, referring to herself simply as Marine.

More recently, she specifically targeted the female vote. She has published special pamphlets and a campaign video that describes her as a woman and a mother and shows her flicking through family photo albums. She has also changed the party's logo from a flame to a blue rose.

'Hitler-like figure'
For Troin, the children's clothes seller in Cogolin, her interest in the National Front has grown with Marine Le Pen's rise. While immigration, job security and her fear of Islam remained underlying motivators, she was also attracted to the party's re-brand.

For her, the former leader "was too outspoken, too offensive. He was a Hitler-like figure," Troin said. "But Marine is different."

In the last presidential election in 2012 — the first with Marine Le Pen as leader — the party's gender gap closed to 1.5 percentage points. It's what Cevipof professor and FN expert Nonna Mayer called the "Marine Le Pen effect."

The party has long advocated clamping down on immigration and securing borders, and throughout her campaign Le Pen has consistently made the country's Muslims a target.

Image: Marine Le Pen supporters cheer
Marine Le Pen supporters cheer at a rally in the southern city of Marseille on Wednesday. Jeff J Mitchell / Getty Images
"In France we respect women, we don't beat them, we don't ask them to hide themselves behind a veil as if they were impure. We drink wine when we want, we can criticize religion and speak freely," she said during a rally Monday night, comments clearly aimed at Muslims.

During the rally, Le Pen pledged to suspend all visas from non-European migrants hoping to join their families in France — often code for immigrants from mainly Muslim North Africa and the Middle East.

After Thursday night's attack in Paris, she again singled out what she sees as the threat posed by Islam.

"It is a war in which there can be no retreat because all our population and all our territory are exposed," she said.

And for all her rebranding, Marine Le Pen can also fall back into the older, harsher style of messaging.

Cathy, a 50-year-old dental assistant who was shopping for groceries in Cogolin, said she was all set to vote FN but was taken aback by Le Pen's recent comments that the French were not to blame for the anti-Jewish policies of the government during the Nazi occupation in World War II.

Referring to the "Vel d'Hiv" roundup of Jews by French police in July 1942, in which nearly 13,000 were detained and deported to concentration camps, Le Pen told French radio earlier this month she thought France was "not responsible."

Cathy, who didn't want to be identified by her second name, said Le Pen's remarks had made her pause.

Others needed no time to reflect.

"The FN is xenophobic, racist and anti-feminist," said retired teacher Mireille Escarrat. "For me it feels like the 1930s. We're going backwards."

'I don't talk politics here'
Many of the National Front supporters interviewed by NBC News were reluctant to admit it, and others were concerned about being named.

"I don't talk politics here," a local woman said, having led the way into a backroom of her business in the town. The 60-year-old asked not to be named or for her business to be described because she felt that admitting her loyalty to the FN would damage her reputation.

"I wouldn't mind if it weren't for my business," she added, out of earshot of her customers. "But this is somewhere everyone can come whether you vote communist or for the right."

Even in this town — where 53 percent of the population voted FN in 2014 — voting Le Pen still carries a social stigma. There's no telling just how many closet female FN voters there may be.

The party's marriage of socialist economic policy and right-wing identity politics is working in the town, which sits in the FN's traditional southern heartland. With the decline of traditional industries and unemployment at 18 percent, locals worry Cogolin is being reduced to a seasonal economy dependent on rich resort communities.

Newly-converted women at the FN's regional headquarters in neighboring Sainte-Maxime said Sunday's election would be the first time they voted for the Front in a presidential race.

"We didn't vote for Jean-Marie Le Pen because he scared us," said Monique Guckert, 67, a retired shop assistant. "His ideas were too fascist, too racist. It was too much."

Even the FN mayor of Cogolin, Marc Etienne Lansade, admitted his mother would never have voted for Jean-Marie Le Pen.

"He drove her crazy," he said. "Women understand Marine Le Pen, she's divorced, she has three children, she works — she's a modern woman," he added, sitting in his second-floor office in the town hall.

Still, not all women appreciate Le Pen's message. On Monday, a topless protester carrying flowers charged the candidate during a rally northern Paris.

Le Pen does not try to make out that she is a feminist. Of her 144 manifesto pledges, only one addresses women's issues. In it, she promises to defend women's rights by fighting against Islam, implementing a plan for equal pay and combating social and job insecurity.

"She's a fake feminist," said Camille Froidevaux-Metterie, a political scientist and expert on women in politics at the University of Reims.

Asked if a Le Pen win would be a victory for women, she said that though symbolically "it would not be nothing." She said it would mean France is ready for a female president but would have elected one on a non-feminist agenda.

"It's a sort of paradox," she said.