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I began teaching 20 years ago at a majority-black public middle school. The behavior of the black students was so outrageous, it bordered on unbelievable. Their respect for authority and teachers was less than nothing. They would pull my hair to see if it was real, sometimes standing around me playing with my hair like animals performing grooming rituals. Other times, they would push their faces into my abdomen, take a deep breath, and comment on the way I smelled. I’ve even had students tell me they could smell my “coochie” and shove their hand between my legs from behind.

Their attempts to get me fired were relentless. Students would rock back and forth in their chairs screeching angry monkey sounds in an attempt to trick me into saying the word “monkey” so they could accuse me of racism and end my career. The same tactic was in play when they said “nigger” over and over again. If I asked them to stop saying “that word,” they would reply “what word?” hoping I would repeat it. Of course, they had no real issue with profanity. One of their strategies to break the morale of teachers was to leave little pieces of paper all around the room with only the word “bitch” written on them.

Violence was constant as well. I could list dozens if not hundreds of fights and random acts of brutality. Here are just a few.

Once, a new Haitian student who spoke no English was lured into an unmonitored hallway by three American blacks who then beat her unconscious. They slammed her head against a concrete stairwell repeatedly, fracturing her skull and one of her eye sockets, leaving her with partial, but permanent, vision loss.

Another time, a black girl picked up a chair and swung it into her black friend’s head simply because she “wanted to know what it felt like” to do so.

Perhaps worst of all was the time I saw a group of blacks drag a small white boy into a storage closet, with scissors at his throat the whole time. I nearly lost my job because I used a curse word in order to gain control of the situation, while the scissor-wielding thugs faced no consequences whatsoever. Although the administration was unhappy with my behavior that day, it impressed my students. My quick intervention and harsh language was met with cheers and applause because it was so striking to see a white teacher act so fiercely and decisively. Some students commented that what I had done to save the white boy was “so ghetto,” because I managed to be the dominant figure in the situation. On this occasion, they meant “ghetto” as a compliment. It doesn’t always carry a good connotation, though — the bastardization of my ancestors’ language is fluid.

The victimization of whites by blacks is especially bad in middle schools because black children reach puberty earlier than their white peers, and are therefore much larger. Prepubescent white children generally adopt one or more of these three survival strategies:

Remain small, invisible, and compliant. Try not to speak or be seen. This works fairly well as long as they are willing to periodically do classwork for blacks and not quibble when blacks “repossess” their property. Surrendering candy, sparkly pencils, fidget spinners, and the like are all common ways of paying the informal “white tax” that blacks enforce.

Adopt ebonics and behave in a desperate and exaggerated ghetto style to try to and fit in.

Deny their whiteness. Regularly find ways of announcing that they aren’t really white because they are Italian, or Jewish, or Spanish, or anything else that could possibly be construed as non-white.

These strategies do help, but not that much. In the end, all white students are made to suffer by their non-white counterparts — especially the small and quiet ones.

My proudest accomplishment was helping Michael, an upper-middle-class white boy, escape that middle school. He was only there in the first place because his family had recently moved to the area and enrolled him in the local public school without realizing what that would entail for their son. He was a model student. Every day he would sit quietly doing his assignments, periodically sighing as the rest of the class fought, bickered, yelled, cussed, vandalized, and cat-called one another. One day, I sat down next to him and told him: “Go home and tell your parents to put you in private school, you don’t belong here.” His parents did so almost immediately — I’m so grateful they listened to me and had enough money to do something about it.

Looking back over my career as a teacher, the most striking change I have seen is the demographic one. The high school I teach at now used to be predominantly black, with small numbers of the other races. Now it is only about half black, with a swelling Hispanic population. As I sit at my desk reviewing student data, I see that one of my Latin American students has turned twenty. Carlos is a full grown man, but he is attending public school as a tenth grader to evade immigration enforcement. His presence is welcomed and even celebrated by the school administration and sanctioned by district officials in this large sanctuary city inside a sanctuary state. This high school is fairly large — with over 2,000 students — and there are two others about as big nearby, meaning that Carlos is not the only illegal alien taking advantage of the fact that Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) does not raid schools.

Roughly 40 percent of the student population is now composed of “English language learners.” Many of these students are illegals who seem to have been bussed in by some sort of underground network. Most of them arrived in the past two years. Their families receive city services such as welfare, food stamps, and Section 8 Housing. At school, they get free breakfast and lunch and are given backpacks filled with food to take home over the weekend, along with “reproductive services,” psychologists, social workers, and specialized teachers to help them learn in their own language — all free of charge. The adults — parents or otherwise — get free evening classes in the same school to teach them English and how to find resources within the community.

In return for the generosity of the community, the school now has Hispanic students lining the halls making out — and sometimes doing much more than that. The girls all want to get pregnant, and their culture cheers them on, regardless of their age or marital status. The boys carry knives and sell drugs, the stench of marijuana is ever-present in the hallways — which is where Hispanic students spend most of their time, as opposed to the classrooms they should be seated in. They refuse to speak English, claiming not to understand when told to go to class, and cussing out teachers in Spanish whenever they feel like it. Some even try to threaten teachers to get passing grades, making comments such as, “Do you like your car? I need an A.”

Other students rarely attend school but stay formally enrolled so they can be considered “DREAMers.” Their presence on the roster keeps other pupils from enrolling in a class they may need in order to graduate. Plenty of students openly state that they are only in school to get money and benefits, and to eventually take back the country that white people stole from them. Unsurprisingly, all but a few refuse to stand for the pledge of allegiance.

The Great Replacement: Minneapolis

Minneapolis, Minnesota, was almost entirely white until 1980. However, in the last few decades, large numbers of non-whites came to the city, especially immigrants from Somalia. Now, the idyllic city created by settlers and pioneers is a center for black crime and Islamic terrorist recruitment.

The city’s story began when the United States Army built Fort Snelling after the War of 1812 to guard American settlers. The most famous non-white inhabitant of Fort Snelling was Dred Scott, whose efforts to escape slavery led to the Supreme Court’s ruling in Dred Scott v. Sandford. Chief Justice Roger Taney wrote that blacks were not citizens and “are not included, and were not intended to be included, under the world ‘citizens’ in the Constitution, and can therefore claim none of rights and privileges which that instrument provides for and secures to citizens of the United States.”

After more settlers came, several local settlements combined. Adolf Hoeffler, a German who visited the area in 1852, predicted it would eventually become “an extensive manufacturing town, and depot of all the future productions of the extreme Upper Mississippi.” Minneapolis was ideally placed for milling flour, not just manufacturing. Its name means “water city.” From 1870 to 1890, Minneapolis grew from 13,000 people to almost 165,000. Almost everyone was white.

Many city leaders wanted to keep it that way. “Restrictive covenants” to keep neighborhoods white were used from 1910 until 1950. The fascist Silver Legion or “Silver Shirts” had a presence in the city in the 1930s. Blacks were simply not a significant presence in the city for most of its history, so ethnic tension was between Jews and gentiles, not blacks and whites. Some help-wanted ads even said, “Gentile preferred.” Minneapolis was a critical battleground for the Progressive movement. The Minnesota Farmer-Labor Party didn’t unite with the Democrats until 1944, and the quasi-socialist MFLP was able to elect candidates such as Minneapolis mayor Thomas Latimer. Class and ideology — not race — dominated city politics.

Non-whites started coming to the city in large numbers in the 1970s and 1980s. By 1990, the city was more than 20 percent non-white. Some migrants may have been tempted by Minnesota’s generous welfare programs. However, there was also a deliberate effort by churches and refugee settlement organizations to bring them. Corporations also wanted cheap labor, such as the meat packers who hired Somalis.

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A graph showing the white population of Minneapolis falling from 99% a century ago to 60% today.

Organizations such as Lutheran Social Services, Catholic Charities, and World Relief Minnesota have worked with the State Department to settle foreign “refugees.” Many such organizations are essentially funded by the federal government, and have a clear financial interest to importing migrants. Without government, there would not be nearly so much resettlement.

In 2004, Minnesota was the number-one destination for foreign refugees on a per-capita basis. The Hmong began arriving in large numbers after the fall of South Vietnam in 1975. Their numbers are a good example of how military intervention brings foreigners. Beginning with 60 “refugees” in 1976, the Twin Cities region (Minneapolis and St. Paul) eventually “attracted the largest Hmong population in the country.” There are now more than 66,000, which means the area is the largest urban Hmong population in the world. Minneapolis now has Hmong gangs, which occasionally re-enact their tribal conflicts on American streets.

Hispanics have also come. The percentage of Hispanics almost quintupled from 1990 to 2010, rising from 2.14 percent to 10.47 percent.

There is a huge Somali population in Minneapolis: over 125,000. One area is called “Little Mogadishu” and is plagued by gangs. An estimated 23 men from the Twin Cities have joined the Islamic terrorist group al-Shabab since 2007. NPR did a series on “The Somali-Minneapolis Terrorist Axis” in 2009, chronicling many cases of Somali “teens” joining militant groups through an underground recruiting network.

The city accommodates Muslims. Somali businesses are permitted to stay open after regular closing hours during Ramadan. During the current pandemic, the Islamic call-to-prayer sounds in the Cedar-Riverside neighborhood.

Violent crime is overwhelmingly black, but it sometimes spills out of black areas. In 2019, pipe-wielding Somali “youths” attacked people waiting for public transportation. That same year, black mobs attacked citizens, stealing cell phones and valuables. The police claimed that “race has nothing to do with it.”

The pandemic has not stopped the shootings. Someone killed a black “aspiring musician” outside his home on April 9. Less than two weeks later, someone killed Kevin Beasley, the grandson of “veteran peace and civil rights activist Spike Moss.” Mr. Moss called the deaths of young black men “our epidemic before the epidemic.” Beasley had a criminal record and was shot at a “house party,” though Minnesota has been under a “stay-at-home” order since March 25. Earlier this month, someone shot a city councilman’s car full of holes. Last Monday, there was a “rolling gun battle” between people in two cars, resulting in “grave” injuries for a young woman.

Still, majority white Minneapolis is considered a great city – a “miracle,” according to one Atlantic article in 2015. Success has not spread to non-whites. In a remarkable response to the “miracle” article, “Minneapolis’s White Lie,” The Atlantic’s Jessica Nickrand painstakingly listed the racial disparities in Minneapolis. Rates of poverty and educational failure are so high, she compared Minneapolis to Detroit.

Most of the article sounds like something I would write: She cites Minneapolis’s affordable living cost, robust job market, and good schools, calling it “the American Dream.” Of course, she adds, “60 years ago, so was Detroit.” The Twin Cities’ decline may “just come later” because it’s on the same course.

Agreed.

Her conclusion lost me. “For Minneapolis to remain successful,” she wrote, “the progressive policies of the 1960s and 1970s must evolve to reflect the changing population, prioritizing affordable housing, neighborhood integration, and investment in public education and health services.” That, she says, would be the real “miracle.”

Jessica Nickrand rejects the obvious explanation that Detroit collapsed because whites fled. The same is happening to Minneapolis. The programs Miss Nickrand wants haven’t fixed racial disparities in the past and won’t now. “Little Mogadishu” will just get bigger. The miracle we need is whites recognizing what is happening. If that happens, we can stop subsidizing our dispossession.